Category Archives: Privacy

New Jersey State AG Enters into COPPA Consent Order

Capitalizing on its federal grant of authority, the New Jersey state Attorney General’s Office recently resolved claims it brought against Dokogeo, the California-based maker of the Dokobots app, that were based on the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA) and state Consumer Fraud Act.  According to the Consent Order filed on November 13, 2013, the Dokobots app is a geo-location scavenger hunt game that encourages users to visit new locations and gather “photos and notes from the people they meet.” One major attribute of the app is its geo-tracking of users.  A product review of the app describes it as blending “playtime, learning, exploration, and creativity in a curiously enticing way.” The State’s position was that the app was directed to children by virtue of its use of animated characters and “child-themed” storyline.

The Consent Order alleges that the app collects information, “including e-mail address, photographs, and geolocation information” deemed personal information under COPPA yet did not provide any neutral screen registration process to restrict the age of its users to those over the age of 13. Moreover, there was no terms of use agreement and its privacy policy does not disclose that the app is restricted to users over the age of 13. Pursuant to the Consent Order, Dokogeo removed all photographs of children and location information from its website and agreed to more clearly disclose information it collects.  As of November 24, 2013, the Dokobots site merely had a static home page – presumably given it is still in the process of implementing the terms of the Order.

The Consent Order also provides for a suspended fine of $25,000 which will only be enforced if Dokogeo fails to meet the terms of the Order.

This is the second such settlement reached by the New Jersey state AG’s office.  In July 2012, authorities announced a similar settlement against Los Angeles-based 24 x 7 Digital, LLC requiring the destruction of all children’s data that had previously been collected and transmitted to third parties.  That action was commenced by way of Complaint filed in June 2012.

It is not unusual for state AGs to commence COPPA actions against out-of-state companies.  In fact, a state AG action under COPPA was brought years ago by the Texas AG against a Brooklyn-based company for improperly collecting personal information such as names, ages, and home addresses from children.  What is interesting about the Kokogeo case, however, is that the underlying statute requires that the “the attorney general of a State has reason to believe that an interest of the residents of that State has been or is threatened or adversely affected. . . .” 15 USC § 6504 (emphasis added). Other than merely reciting the statute, no actual finding was made or referenced by the New Jersey AG’s office regarding the impact to New Jersey residents.  In fact, Kokogeo defended by arguing the app was intended for adults and there was no discussion by either side regarding New Jersey users.

App developers are well advised to appreciate two basic lessons from Kokogeo. If an app appears to target children, developers should comply with COPPA — especially given FTC guidelines involving the collection of geo-data and use of photographs.   And, if they do not comply, they should be prepared to defend against those state AGs who are not adverse to spending state dollars pursuing an enforcement action

Plaintiffs Bar Hit Hard by Recent CMIA Decision

Insurers providing privacy liability coverage were collectively breathing a sigh of relief last week given a decision from the California Court of Appeals.  Interpreting the California Confidentiality of Medical Information Act (CMIA), the court in Regents of the Univ. of Cal. v. Superior Court of Los Angeles County, No. B249148 (Cal. Ct. App. October 15, 2013) significantly limited the ability of plaintiffs to obtain nominal statutory damages of $1,000 per patient under CMIA.  For the past several years, CMIA was pretty much the best game in town when it came to data breach litigation.  Although enacted in 2008, CMIA was only over the past several years successfully used by plaintiffs’ counsel to obtain settlements previously unattainable post-breach.  The CMIA “statutory damages” bonanza reaped by class counsel was significant – the prospect of such damages allowed counsel to overcome Article III and other “lack of injury” arguments, potentially allowed for class certification even with an otherwise uneven plaintiff pool, and created an early incentive to settle on the part of a defendant – and its insurer – given the potential size of an award.

It is no surprise CMIA was the bane of a good number of network security and privacy insurers – it led to settlements that would not have otherwise occurred.  The Regents decision is noteworthy given it was the first appellate court to decide the availability of CMIA statutory damages and rejected the notion that mere negligence coupled with disclosure could trigger statutory damages.  This is a major departure from how the law was interpreted by the lower courts and instantly dried up a good  part of the statutory damages manna drunk by plaintiffs’ counsel. 

The facts of the case would provide a nice law school hypothetical – a doctor’s home is burglarized and his encrypted external drive is stolen – and, just for good measure, he cannot locate the note card containing the drive’s password.   Was there unauthorized access to the stolen information?  A CMIA private right of action allowing for statutory damages turns on whether “negligence results in unauthorized or wrongful access to the information.”   It is easy to assume when someone may have also stolen the password located near a stolen hard drive that the theft will result in an unauthorized access – especially when the stolen drive is never found.

After reviewing the statute’s legislative history and related laws, the Court of Appeals strictly construed the statute to allow for nominal, or statutory damages of $1,000 – but only when there was actual “unauthorized or wrongful access to the information.”  Given that the class plaintiff was unable to allege her information was improperly viewed or otherwise accessed, the superior court was ordered to have the case dismissed. 

In effect, the Court of Appeals significantly neutered CMIA by requiring actual improper access to a patient’s medical information.  In most likely breach scenarios, ID theft and “actual access” can go hand in hand.  Armed with evidence of potential or actual ID theft, most plaintiffs’ counsel would withstand some level of motion practice – with or without CMIA.  In other words, the benefits derived from CMIA’s availability of nominal damages may have dwindled to some potential commonality assistance during a class certification motion. 

Although it remains to be seen whether insurers will lower healthcare privacy premiums due to this one decision, one thing is certain – claims adjusters will have “a little” extra free time on their hands.

Is New Jersey Seeking to Become the New California When it comes to Privacy?

By way of a recent opinion of the New Jersey Supreme Court, New Jersey became the first state establishing a Constitutional right to cell-phone location information – thereby precluding law enforcement’s retrieval of such information without a warrant or exigent circumstances.   See State v. Earls, No. A-53-11, slip op., (NJ July 18, 2013) (unanimous opinion).

Recognizing that its decision “creates a new rule of law that would disrupt the administration of justice if applied retroactively”, the Court limited its ruling to the subject defendant and prospective cases only.  Interestingly, the Court did not even make a passing reference to a 2011 New Jersey appellate court that previously ruled no privacy tort existed for the surreptitious use of a location tracking device on a car.  The Earls case is the first appellate case to build on the United States Supreme Court’s GPS decision in United States v. Jones or address in great detail the proliferation and use of location-based information.

The Court in Earles recognized that “[w]ith increasing accuracy, cell phones can now trace our daily movements and disclose not only where individuals are located at a point in time but also which shops, doctors, religious services, and political events they go to, and with whom they choose to associate.”  Not surprisingly, the Court also realized “that cell-phone location information can be a powerful tool to fight crime.” 

Relying on the New Jersey Constitution, however, the Court reasoned that individuals expect that information provided to a third party in order to procure services will only be used by the recipient – in this case a telephone company – to provide the services in question.  In addition to this affirmative expectation of privacy, there is also a concomitant expectation that this information will not also be provided to the government. 

New Jersey’s landmark decision comes on the heels of one state legislator’s proposal of an amendment to the New Jersey Constitution stating that “people have a right to privacy from government intrusion, unless the government follows the due process of law.”  In addition to a proposed Constitutional amendment, Assemblywoman Handlin is also the sponsor of six bills and another resolution that address a person’s right to privacy as well as the freedom of the press:

A-4305:  prohibits the improper release of photographs or videos captured by security cameras or other recording devices operated by public entities.

A-4306:  prohibits a governmental entity from obtaining a biometric identifier of an individual without that individual’s consent. The bill does not prohibit any law enforcement agency from obtaining biometric identifiers of someone who has been placed under arrest. A “biometric identifier” is a retina or iris scan, fingerprint, voiceprint or DNA.

A-4307:  a person who knowingly obtains or discloses personally identifiable health information, in violation of the federal health privacy rule, is guilty of a crime of the third degree.

A-4308:  this bill increases the penalties for the unlawful disclosure or use of taxpayer information by State tax officials. The purpose of this bill is to provide enhanced deterrence against violations of taxpayer confidentiality.

A-4309:  requires a Superior Court judge to approve the installation of any video camera by a public entity.

A-4310:  requires an administrative agency to include a privacy impact statement when adopting, amending, or repealing a rule.

ACR-201:  requests the President and Congress enact a federal shield law for journalists. A shield law would grant journalists notice and an opportunity to be heard in federal court in order to challenge a federal subpoena seeking phone records or other information identifying a source. Federal bills S.987 and H.R.1962, both titled the “Free Flow of Information Act of 2013,” were introduced in May 2013. The bills would establish the federal shield law.

Sandwiched between these privacy-protective efforts, exists a bill aimed at safeguarding the social media accounts of employees.  Before it was conditionally vetoed by Governor Christie in May 2013, New Jersey was teetering on passing the most onerous law in the country regarding employee social media protections – allowing for a private right of action and seeking to bar employers from even asking if an employee has a social media account.  As it currently stands, the bill – if it is ever finally signed by the Governor – will still be among one of the stronger such laws.

Despite its recent efforts, New Jersey still has a great deal of heavy lifting before it can catch up with the land of SB 1386 – California already has a constitutionally guaranteed right to privacy, over seventy privacy-related laws on the books, and multiple regulatory agencies set up to enforce these laws.   It is no surprise that Attorney General Kamala Harris’s recent report opens with the words:  California has the strongest consumer privacy laws in the country.

Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board will conduct a public hearing on July 9, 2013

Announced in a public notice published on August 28, 2013, the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board (“the Board”) will conduct a public hearing on July 9, 2013.  According to this notice, “invited experts, academics and advocacy organizations” will discuss “surveillance programs operated pursuant to Section 215 of the USA PATRIOT Act and Section 702 of Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act.”  Members of the public are invited to participate.   The Washington, D.C. location of the event has yet to be determined.

By way of background, the Board consists of five members appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate.   The Board was first created in 2004 within the executive branch but became an independent agency several years later.  Until the current NSA surveillance leak, the Board was quiet to say the least.  Apparently, there is no record of the Board members meeting more than once and President Obama met with Board members only days ago for the first time.  Notwithstanding the relative inexperience of the Board working as a team, this hearing will be of great interest if for no other reason the recent unveiling of the NSA surveillance programs may actually be the tip of the proverbial iceberg.

As reported in the UK press — the very same UK paper that broke and explored the Snowden leak, “Britain’s spy agency GCHQ has secretly gained access to the network of cables which carry the world’s phone calls and internet traffic and has started to process vast streams of sensitive personal information which it is sharing with its American partner, the National Security Agency (NSA).”  It would be nice if the American press were interested in taking a ride on this UK investigative bandwagon.  Maybe after July 9, 2013, it finally will.

Update:  July 15, 2013

Here’s the transcript of this very lively public workshop.

California’s Right to Know Law Put on Hold

As reported by the LA Times, “a powerful coalition of technology companies and business lobbies that included Facebook, Inc., Google, Inc., the California Chamber of Commerce, insurers, bankers and cable television companies as well as direct marketers and data brokers” were able to stop a California bill aimed at giving consumers greater insight as to the use of their personal data.

First introduced in February by Assemblywoman Bonnie Lowenthal (D-Long Beach), the proposed Right to Know Law (AB 1291) would have implemented major revisions to existing law and created new rights for consumers.  Specifically, the proposed law would require

any business that has a customer’s personal information, as defined, to provide at no charge, within 30 days of the customer’s specified request, a copy of that information to the customer as well as the names and contact information for all 3rd parties with which the business has shared the information during the previous 12 months, regardless of any business relationship with the customer.

This new level of transparency might have helped sooth consumer concerns.  According to a 2012 USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times poll, “82 percent of Californians said they are “very concerned” or “somewhat concerned” about Internet and smartphone companies collecting their personal information.”   On the other hand, providing a full and accurate accounting of who had access to a consumer’s data – even to only the small percentage of consumers who would actually take the time to request it – would have generated a major undertaking for a wide range of companies.  It is not surprising that the companies who fought so hard to pull the plug on this bill represent a very diverse coalition of businesses.

Even if this bill does not get revived in a new form sometime in the future, the prospect of what it might have brought to the table should serve as a wake up call to those businesses deep into online behavioral advertizing.  It may be time to better understand just who has access to what information – and it may not eventually matter whether that information belongs to a current client or consumer or whether it was anonymized.  As usual, staying in front of the regulatory curve remains a sound business practice.

Financial Correlation of Privacy Rights

In Letting Down Our Guard With Web Privacy, published on March 30, 2013, the author details ongoing research being conducted by Alessandro Acquisti, a behavioral economist at Carnegie Mellon University.  Mr. Acquisti’s research is cutting edge when it comes to online behavioral advertising (OBA)  and associated consumer behavior.  Indeed, he’s the academic who famously announced in 2011 that one might be able to discover portions of someone’s social security number simply by virtue of a posted photograph.   His research often distills to one major premise – consumers may not always act in their best interests when it comes to online privacy decisions.

It appears consumers and merchants alike may be missing out on fully cultivating a very valuable commodity.  According to the World Economic Forum, “personal data represents an emerging asset class, potentially every bit as valuable as other assets such as traded goods, gold or oil.”  Rethinking Personal Data:  Strengthening Trust, at 7, World Economic Forum Report (May 2012).  Before this asset class can ever be completely exploited and fully commercialized, however, its constituent value components must be correlated by all in the privacy food chain.

Over three decades ago, it was recognized that the three pillars of privacy – the very foundation of personal data – secrecy, anonymity, and solitude, were distinct yet interrelated.  See Gavison, Ruth, Privacy and the Limits of Law, 89 The Yale Law Journal 421, 428-429 (1980) (“A loss of privacy occurs as others obtain information about an individual, pay attention to him, or gain access to him. These three elements of secrecy, anonymity, and solitude are distinct and independent, but interrelated, and the complex concept of privacy is richer than any definition centered around only one of them.”).

Current OBA has made it so these three privacy pillars may be confusing for consumers to value, manage, and isolate when online – it is not generally up to consumers whether they will be fed an ad based on previous website visits or purchases – it will just happen.  Indeed, according to a survey of 1,000 persons conducted by Ipsos Public Affairs and released by Microsoft in January 2013, forty-five percent of respondents felt they had little or no control over the personal information companies gather about them while they are browsing the Web or using online services.  This view may not be unfounded given that data routinely gathered online, e.g., operating system, browser, IP address, persistent cookies, last used server, can be used to divulge the activity of individual devices.

The privacy trade-offs being researched by Mr. Acquisti and others offer insight into the true value of these data constituents.  Consumers who try to “shut off” or render anonymous access to their device’s data or settings, would not only likely fail in their attempt at being anonymized, they would also lose out on access to most social media and other websites requiring browsers to accept cookies as well as product offers that may presumably are of interest.  Indeed, this coordinated tracking of consumers is not even unique to the Internet.   See generally Bibas, Steve, A Contractual Approach to Data Privacy, 17 Harv. J. Law & Public Policy 591 (Spring 1994) (“Although the ready availability of information helps us to trust others and coordinate actions, it also lessens our privacy. George Orwell presciently expressed our fear of losing all privacy to an omniscient Big Brother.  Computers today track our telephone calls, credit-card spending, plane flights, educational and employment records, medical histories, and more.  Someone with free access to this information could piece together a coherent picture of our actions.”).  There are even companies that bridge the gap between offline and online activities by taking in-store point of sale purchases and converting such data to an anonymous online cookie ID that will eventually be used online by clients.  Such use of in-store data is generally permissible under a retailer’s loyalty program.

Current law does not generally prevent someone from collecting public information to create consumer profiles – nor is there the right to opt out of having your public record information sold or shared.  And, when one wants to self-determine whether data will be disclosed or whether he or she will be “untraceable”, “anonymous” or “left alone”, there may not always exist the ability to easily curtail these rights from being exploited – there is certainly no way to obtain a direct financial gain in return for the relinquishment of such privacy rights.  Instead, there has generally been a “privacy for services” marketing/advertizing arrangement that has been accepted by consumers – which, in fact, has helped pay for and fuel the growth of the commercial Internet.

The current OBA ecosystem does not posit a “loss of privacy” as much as it offers a bartering system where one party feels the value of what is being bartered away while the other party actually quantifies with cascading/monetizing transactions what is only felt by the other party.  In other words, it is not a financial transaction.  Those who are able to find an entertaining online video or locate a product online using a search engine don’t really mind that an ad will be served to them while visiting some other website given they feel this loss of privacy is worth the value of the services being provided.

Ironically, the interactive advertising industry itself may believe it is collecting too much sensitive consumer data.  According to a study conducted by the Ponemon Institute, 67 percent of responding online advertisers believe “limiting sensitive data collection for OBA purposes is key to improving consumer privacy and control when browsing or shopping online.” Leading Practices in Behavioral Advertising & Consumer Privacy:  A Study of Internet Marketers & Advertisers, at 2, The Ponemon Institute (February 2012).

As recognized by privacy researchers, “[e]mpirical evidence on the behavioral effects of privacy is rather scarce.”  Regner, Tobias; Riener, Gerhard, Voluntary Payments, Privacy and Social Pressure On The Internet: A Natural Field Experiment, DICE Discussion Paper, No. 82 (December 2012) at 6.  Although “some consumers are willing to pay a premium to purchase from privacy protective websites”; there is no measure of what that premium should be or how widespread a factor it is for consumers as a whole.  Id. at 7.

More often than not, consumers have been “often willing to provide personal information for small or no rewards.”  Losses, Gains, and Hyperbolic Discounting: An Experimental Approach to Information Security Attitudes and Behavior, presented by Alessandro Acquisti and Jens Grossklags at the 2nd Annual Workshop on Economics and Information Security, College Park, Maryland, May 2003, at 4.

This does not mean researchers have not tried to quantify a “privacy valuation” model.  In 2002, a Jupiter Research study found 82% of online shoppers willing to give personal data to new shopping sites in exchange for the chance to win $100.  See c.f. Tsai, Janice; Egelman, Serge; Cranor, Lorrie; Acquisti, Alessandro; The Effect of Online Privacy Information on Purchasing Behavior: An Experimental Study, Information Systems Research (February 2010) at 22 (describing survey results which concludes that “people will tend to purchase from merchants that offer more privacy protection and even pay a premium to purchase from such merchants.”); Beresford, Alastair; Kübler, Dorothea; Preibusch, Sören, Unwillingness To Pay For Privacy: A Field Experiment, 117 Economics Letters 25 (2010) (“Thus, participants predominantly chose the firm with the lower price and the more sensitive data requirement, indicating that they are willing to provide information about their monthly income and date of birth for a 1 Euro discount.”).

In his 1994 paper, A Contractual Approach to Data Privacy, Steve Bibas suggests that individual contracts may provide the best solution to the privacy compensation dilemma:  “In the hands of the contracting parties, however, flexibility allows people to control their lives and efficiently tailor the law to meet their needs. Flexibility is the market’s forte; the pricing mechanism is extremely sensitive to variations in valuation and quickly adjusts to them.”  Bibas, 17 Harv. J. Law & Public Policy 591 (Spring 1994).   Mr. Bibas, however, recognized the limitations in what could be accomplished with privacy transactions that relied only on static privacy trades.  In other words, a model that might be effective is one that customizes the financial rewards to consumers are based on a continuous exchange of information between the consumer and merchant.

One problem most consumers face when using commonly marketed solutions that are meant to safeguard their privacy is that they fail to also create an acceptable value proposition for merchants.  As well, those recently formed companies promising a private web experience will not be able to – nor should they even try – to curtail firms from using OBA to reach consumers.  For the foreseeable future, OBA will continue to drive the Internet and “pay” for a much richer and rewarding consumer experience than would otherwise exist.  It may one day be determined, however, that an even more effective means to satisfy all constituent needs of the OBA ecosystem (consumer, merchant, publisher, agency, etc.) will be to find a means to directly correlate between privacy rights, consumer data, and a merchant’s revenue.

October is National Cyber Security Awareness Month

National Cyber Security Awareness Month is being sponsored by the Department of Homeland Defense as well as the National Cyber Security Alliance and the Multi-State Information Sharing and Analysis Center.   In a Presidential Proclamation, President Obama called “upon the people of the United States to recognize the importance of cybersecurity and to observe this month with activities, events, and trainings that will enhance our national security and resilience.”  Many of the same corporations and universities who promote Privacy Day in January also promote NCSAM in October.

According to the FBI, since the first NCSAM was celebrated nine years ago the network security threat has continued to grow even more complex and sophisticated — “Just 12 days ago, in fact, FBI Director Robert Mueller said that ‘cyber security may well become our highest priority in the years to come.'”

There is no denying the obvious good in promoting security awareness and diligence.  It is hoped, however, that a month devoted to “cyber security awareness” does not inadvertently dilute the more important message that security diligence is something that should be done every day of the year.   On the other hand, to the extent NCSAM’s “Stop.Think.Connect.” message touches even one small business owner in Des Moines and makes her less likely to fall victim to a phishing exploit in the future, NCSAM will be a success.

The Privacy Tug of War

According to the World Economic Forum, “personal data represents an emerging asset class, potentially every bit as valuable as other assets such as traded goods, gold or oil.”  Given the inherent value of this new asset class, it’s no surprise there has been an ongoing tug of war regarding how consumers should be compensated for access to their personal data.

In a March 2003 Wired article titled, “Who’s Winning Privacy Tug of War?“, the author suggests that “[c]onsumers appear to have become weary of the advertising bombardment, no matter how targeted to their tastes those ads may be.”  And, the “tit-for-tat tactic on the Web” that requires users to provide certain personal information in exchange for product or other information may be much less than a perfect marketing model given these marketing preference databases “are polluted with lies.”

Fast forward a decade or so and companies are still trying to figure out the Privacy Tug of War rules of engagement.  In a report released on September 19, 2012, UK think tank Demos released a report it considered “the most in-depth research to date on the public’s attitudes toward the sharing of information.”   Not surprisingly, Demos found that in order to maximize the potential value of customer data, there needs to be “a certain level of trust established and a fair value exchange.”   The firm found that only 19 percent of those surveyed understand the value of their data, and the benefits of sharing it.

The surveys, workshops and other research tools referenced in the Demos report all point towards a “crisis of confidence” which may “lead to people sharing less information and data, which would have detrimental results for individuals, companies and the economy.”   Demos offers up a possible solution to this potential crisis:

The solution is to ensure individuals have more control over what, when and how they share information. Privacy is not easily defined. It is a negotiated concept that changes with technology and culture. It needs continually updating as circumstances and values change, which in turn requires democratic deliberation and a dialogue between the parties involved.

It is hard to have any meaningful deliberations when no one is charting a clear path to victory in the Privacy Tug of War — nor is there any consensus regarding whether it is preferable to even have such a path.   Some on the privacy circuit have suggested we must create better privacy metrics and offer tools to use those metrics to measure whether a company’s privacy protections are “satisfactory”.   Consumers right now can rely on sites such as Clickwrapped to score the online privacy policies of major online brands.   Certification services such as TRUSTe provide insight regarding the online privacy standards of thousands of websites.   If they don’t like what they see, consumers can always “opt out” and use services such as that of start-up Safe Shepherd to remove “your family’s personal info from websites that sell it.”

Unfortunately, no commercially available privacy safeguard, testing service or certification can ever move fast enough to address technological advances that erode consumer privacy given such advances will always launch unabated — and undetected — for a period of time.  Not unlike Moore’s Law regarding the doubling of transistor computing power every two years, it appears that consumer privacy diminishes in some direct proportion to new technological advances.  Consumer privacy expectations should obviously be guided accordingly.   Unlike with Moore’s Law, however, there is no uniform technology, product, or privacy metric that can be benchmarked as it is in the computer industry.

This does not mean we are powerless to follow technology trends and quantify an associated privacy impact.  For example, the Philip Dick/Steven Spielberg Minority Report vision of the future where public iris scanning offers up customized advertisements to people walking around a mall has already taken root in at least one issued iris-scanning patent that is jointly owned by the federal government and a start-up looking to serve ads suggested using facial recognition techniques.  In direct reaction to EU criticism of Facebook’s own facial recognition initiative, Facebook temporarily suspended its “tag-suggest” feature.  This automatic facial recognition system recognized and suggested names for those people included in photographs uploaded to Facebook – without first obtaining the consent of those so recognized and tagged.

Closely monitoring technological advances that may impact privacy rights — whether the body diagnostics of Mc10 and ingested medical sensors from Proteus, the latest in Big Data analytics, or a new EHR system that seamlessly ties such innovations together — becomes the necessary first step towards understanding how to partake in the Privacy Tug of War.

Unlike the PC industry that is tied to Moore’s Law, our government’s unbounded funding is an active participant in developing privacy-curtailing technological advances.  For example, the FBI is currently undergoing a billion-dollar upgrade creating its Next Generation Identification Program which will deploy the latest in facial recognition technologies.   As recognized by CMU Professor Alessandro Acquisti, this “combination of face recognition, social networks data and data mining can significantly undermine our current notions and expectations of privacy and anonymity.”

Not surprisingly, there has been some push back on such government initiatives.    For example, on September 25, 2012, the ACLU filed suit against several government agencies under the Freedom of Information Act seeking seeking records on their use and funding of automatic license plate readers (APLRs).  According to the Complaint, “ALPRs are cameras mounted on stationary objects (e.g., telephone poles and the underside of bridges) or on patrol cars [and] photograph the license plate of each vehicle that passes, capturing information on up to thousands of cars per minute.”   The ACLU suggests that APLRs “pose a serious threat to innocent Americans’ privacy.”

The imminent unleashing of unmanned aircraft systems – commonly known as “drones” – sets in motion another technological advance that should raise serious concerns for just about anyone.  Signed by President Obama in February 2012, The FAA Modernization and Reform Act of 2012, among other things, requires that the Federal Aviation Administration accelerate the use of drone flights:

Not later than 270 days after the date of enactment of this Act, the Secretary of Transportation, in consultation with representatives of the aviation industry, Federal agencies that employ unmanned aircraft systems technology in the national airspace system, and the unmanned aircraft systems industry, shall develop a comprehensive plan to safely accelerate the integration of civil unmanned aircraft systems into the national airspace system.

As recognized by the Government Accountability Office in a September 14, 2012 Report, even though “[m]any [privacy] stakeholders believe that there should be federal regulations” to protect the privacy of individuals from drone usage, “it is not clear what entity should be responsible for addressing privacy concerns across the federal government.”

This is not an insignificant failing given according to this same report, commercial and government drone expenditures could top $89.1 billion over the next decade ($28.5 billion for R&D and $60.6 billion for procurement).  Interestingly, the necessary comprehensive plan to accelerate integration of civil drones into our national airspace systems will be due on November 10, 2012 – right after elections.   According to an Associated Press-National Constitution Center poll, 36 percent of those polled say they “strongly oppose” or “somewhat oppose” police use of drones.   This somewhat muted response is likely driven by the fact most polled just do not understand the capabilities of these drones and just how pervasive they will become in the coming years.

The technology advance that may have the greatest impact on privacy rights does not take to the skies but is actually found in most pockets and purses.   The same survey referenced above found that 43 percent of those polled (the highest percentage) primarily use a mobile device alone rather than a landline or a combination of mobile device and landline — with 34 percent of those polled not even having a landline in their home.   Not surprisingly, companies have been aggressively tapping into the Big Data treasure trove available from mobile device usage.   Some politicians have taken notice and are already drawing lines in the digital sand.

Under the Mobile Device Privacy Act introduced by Congressman Edward J. Markey, anyone who sells a mobile service, device, or app must inform customers if their product contains monitoring software — with statutory penalties ranging from $1,000 per unintentional violation to $3,000 per intentional violation.   This new bill addresses only a single transgression of the personal-data-orgy now being enjoyed by so many different companies up and down the mobile device communication and tech food chain.   As evidenced by the current patent landscape — including an issued Google patent that involves serving ads based on a mobile device’s environmental sounds — and the now well-known GPS capabilities of mobile devices, the privacy Battle of Midway will likely be fought around mobile devices. Companies with a stake in the Privacy Tug of War — as well as those professionals who advise such companies — will only be adequately prepared if they recognize that this battle may ultimately have no clear winners or losers — only willing participants.

Basketball, Julius Caesar, and Privacy

March Madness and murdered dictators aside, next month may be memorable for significant new privacy polices and obligations coming online — especially those for vendors holding sensitive information of a Massachusetts resident.  Given the expiration of a two-year grace period, Massachusetts will require effective March 1, 2012 that all service provider contracts include provisions requiring that the service provider  implement and maintain security measures for personal information that is consistent with the Standards for the Protection of Personal Information of Residents of the Commonwealth, 201 CMR 17.00.

A service provider must comply with this regulation if it “receives, stores, maintains, processes, or otherwise has access to personal information” of Massachusetts residents, e.g., social security numbers, driver license numbers, and financial account information,  in connection with the provision of goods or services or in connection with employment.  For compliance purposes, it does not matter whether the service provider actually maintains a place of business in Massachusetts.    In addition, those companies who are subject to the regulation must oversee service providers by taking reasonable steps to select and retain service providers who are compliant.  Penalties for non-compliance can be enforced through the Massachusetts Consumer Protection Statute and include penalties under that law as well as possible civil penalty of up to $5,000 for each violation, plus reasonable costs of investigation and attorney’s fees.

On the consumer side, starting March 1, 2012, Google’s new privacy policy will bring together its various privacy documents into a single umbrella privacy policy.  After being implemented, logged in users will be treated as a single user across  all Google products.   Concern over the way Google’s new policy would grant the data aggregator control over user data and allegedly “hold hostage” consumer personal information has caused attorney generals from around the country to reach out to Google.    Not one to miss out on the fun, one EU regulator has chimed in claiming that it is “deeply concerned” about the new Google policy.  And, EPIC even filed suit to enforce a FTC settlement in its effort to stop the March privacy change — a lawsuit that was dismissed on February 24, 2012.   Given it will likely be implemented in a few days, consumers wanting to avoid some of the potential privacy sting of these changes can heed some advice from the EFF.

Finally, on March 7, 2012, HHS is scheduled to publish in the Federal Register its final proposed rule regarding what constitutes “meaningful use” of EHR sufficient to trigger incentive payments under the HIITECH Act.  A draft of the proposed rule is currently  available.   It remains to be seen whether this push for EHR usage will ultimately add or subtract to healthcare data breaches.  

As it stands, a HIPAA covered entity must provide notice to the HHS Secretary “without unreasonable delay and in no case later than 60 days from discovery of the breach” impacting 500 or more individuals.  To assist in reporting, there is even an online means of disclosing breaches.  The current list of all such disclosed breaches is publicly available; and not surprisingly, incidents have been steadily increasing as per an analysis done by OCR of breaches occurring in 2009 and 2010. 

The annual OCR report indicates that larger breaches occurred “as a result of theft, error, or a failure to take adequate care of protected health information.”  OCR Report at 9.  It is not difficult to imagine efforts to obtain governmental incentive payments by achieving meaningful EHR usage — as the term will be further refined in March — may actually  cause an uptick in breaches.    Despite having a requirement that every EHR Module be certified to a “privacy and security” certification criteria — which will ultimately be determined by the HHS Secretary, these incentive payments will continue to be tied to usage and not necessarily verifiable compliance with a security standard.   Given that HITECH’s financial incentives remain based on usage and not protection, “sticks” such as reductions in Medicare payments and stiff HITECH fines will continue to be the only real governmental incentive to maintain adequate protection.   It would be nice if HHS, instead, developed a financial incentive or reward program for those firms who go the extra distance (as per NIST standards) when providing security.  Maybe such a program will make the agenda after the OCR releases a few more breach reports.

Data Privacy Day 2012

Deserving of a fairly large yawn, the International Data Privacy Day came on a Saturday this year.  The US sponsors — who are basically large tech companies — can hardly be faulted for failing to elevate today to true holiday status.  In Europe, the festivities are equally lame.  Last year, it was not much different.

Why was January 28th even chosen to celebrate privacy?  Well, because it is generally recognized that the first stab at a statutory privacy scheme came into being on 28 January 1981 when the Convention for the Protection of Individuals with regard to Automatic Processing of Personal Data was passed by the Council of Europe.  The purpose of this convention was to secure for residents respect for “rights and fundamental freedoms, and in particular his right to privacy, with regard to automatic processing of personal data relating to him.”

It was actually in 1965 — 16 years earlier — when the US Supreme Court, in Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965), formally recognized that every US citizen enjoys a constitutional “zone of privacy” by way of the Bill of Rights. Indeed, probably the best known judicial wording on the subject was written in 1928 when Justice Brandeis wrote in a dissent:

The protection guaranteed by the Amendments is much broader in scope. The makers of our Constitution undertook to secure conditions favorable to the pursuit of happiness. They recognized the significance of man’s spiritual nature, of his feelings, and of his intellect. They knew that only a part of the pain, pleasure and satisfactions of life are to be found in material things. They sought to protect Americans in their beliefs, their thoughts, their emotions and their sensations. They conferred, as against the Government, the right to be let alone — the most comprehensive of rights, and the right most valued by civilized men. To protect that right, every unjustifiable intrusion by the Government upon the privacy of the individual, whatever the means employed, must be deemed a violation of the Fourth Amendment.

Olmstead v. Unites States, 277 U.S. 438 (1928) (Brandeis, J., dissenting)

Fast forward to January 23, 2012 and the case of United States v. Jones is decided by the Supreme Court.  It is the Court’s first look at how the Fourth Amendment applies to police use of GPS technology.  This fractured decision — only serving up a majority to agree with the view that the defendant’s Fourth Amendment rights were violated when a GPS device was attached to his jeep for 28 days — does provide an interesting glimpse into future rulings even though many relevant questions were left unanswered by the Court.

For example, Justice Sotomayor asks rhetorically:

it may be necessary to reconsider the premise that an individual has no reasonable expectation of privacy in information voluntarily disclosed to third parties.  This approach is ill suited to the digital age, in which people reveal a great deal of information about themselves to third parties in the course of carrying out mundane tasks…Perhaps, as JUSTICE ALITO notes, some people may find the tradeoff of privacy for convenience worthwhile, or come to accept this diminution of privacy as inevitable, post, at 10, and perhaps not.

Justice Sotomayor may one day get the opportunity to expand on her dicta.  Although it is uncertain when that may happen, what is certain is that the privacy landscape will be quite different by the time Data Privacy Day 2013 rolls around.